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Others are a little more unconventional. But on days when every movement is accompanied by a wince, they all might be worth a shot. Studies show that meditation can help reduce chronic pain in adults, too. This is true, it should be noted, even if you didn't work out recently. This regimen can be as simple as a post-workout protein shake , or a lot more involved than that. An hour after that , I typically eat chicken and rice. I always make sure I drink a lot of water throughout the day as well.

This is so important for proper recovery and alleviating extreme soreness. One recent study found that regular consumption of CBD reduced the levels of cortisol a stress hormone in saliva, which suggests that it needs to be a regular habit in order for people to see results.

Warm-ups matter because they boost blood circulation, which is what helps muscles heal. It hurts to just get moving again, but it will expedite recovery if you can knuckle up and get through it. Finish with cold! The killing had occurred in Birmingham, but the trial had been moved to Mobile. To Hays - the second-highest Klan official in Alabama - and his fellow members of Unit of the United Klans, the presence of blacks on the jury meant that a guilty man would go free.

According to Klansmen who attended the unit's weekly meeting, Hays had said that Wednesday, ''If a black man can get away with killing a white man, we ought to be able to get away with killing a black man.

On Friday night, after the jurors announced they couldn't reach a verdict, the Klansmen got together in a house Bennie Hays owned on Herndon Avenue. According to later testimony from James Tiger Knowles, then 17 years old, Tiger produced a borrowed pistol. Henry Francis Hays, Bennie's year-old son, took out a rope.

Then the two got in Henry's car and went hunting for a black man. Michael Donald was alone, walking home, when Knowles and Hays spotted him. They pulled over, asked him for directions to a night club, then pointed the gun at him and ordered him to get in. They drove to the next county. When they stopped, Michael begged them not to kill him, then tried to escape. Henry Hays and Knowles chased him, caught him, hit him with a tree limb more than a hundred times, and, when he was no longer moving, wrapped the rope around his neck.

Henry Hays shoved his boot in Michael's face and pulled on the rope. For good measure, they cut his throat.

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Around the time Mrs. Donald was having her prescient nightmare, Henry Hays and Knowles returned to the party at Bennie Hays's house, where they showed off their handiwork, and, looping the rope over a camphor tree, raised Michael's body just high enough so it would swing. Despite that, the police soon arrested three young men they described as ''junkie types. That investigation produced no useful evidence, however, and it seemed that the killers would go unpunished. It took two years, a second F.

Hays, who received the death sentence, is that rarest of Southern killers: a white man slated to die for the murder of a black. At that point, a grieving mother might have been expected to issue a brief statement of gratitude and regret, and then return to her mourning. Beulah Mae Donald would not settle for that. From the moment she insisted on an open casket for her battered son - ''so the world could know'' - she challenged the silence of the Klan and the recalcitrance of the criminal justice system.

Two convictions weren't enough for her. She didn't want revenge. She didn't want money. All she ever wanted, she says, was to prove that ''Michael did no wrong.

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Donald's determination inspired a handful of lawyers and civil rights advocates, black and white. Donald file a civil suit against the members of Unit and the United Klans of America. The killers were, he believed, carrying out an organizational policy set by the group's Imperial Wizard, Robert Shelton. If Dees could prove in court that this ''theory of agency'' applied, Shelton's Klan would be as liable for the murder as a corporation is for the actions its employees take in the service of business. Donald and her attorney, State Senator Michael A.

Figures, agreed to participate in the civil suit.

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Meanwhile, Mrs. Donald's attorney moved to seize the property and garnish the wages of individual defendants. On the strength of evidence presented at the civil trial, the Mobile District Attorney was able to indict Bennie Hays and his son-in-law, Frank Cox, for murder; their trial, scheduled to begin in February, will complete Beulah Mae Donald's long and painful campaign to insure that her son's lynching will be the last Alabama will ever see.

After giving themselves titles intended to sound preposterous, the members of this secret society decided to add costumes -and their hooded robes encouraged them to commit acts of violence they would never have dared to undertake without disguise. By , they were beginning to terrorize blacks; Jews and Catholics were to follow.

In the 's, at the height of its popularity, the Klan had about 5 million members, more in the North than in the South; in that decade alone, Klansmen lynched as many as blacks. The modern Klan has, by contrast, only about 5, to 7, members - and they are split into four groups, with no national leader. Michael Donald's murder, the first Klan killing in Alabama in years, was more an expression of impotent rage than it was testimony to a resurgence of the white-sheeted Klan.

In the 's, if the Mobile Klansmen were known for anything, it was for the business cards they printed up and handed out to the elderly ladies they helped across downtown streets. But there were still reasons they might believe they could kill a black in Mobile and go free. Although about one-third of Mobile's population is black, not a single one was elected to Mobile's top governing body from to In the mid's, when a police squad was formed to prevent robberies, minority leaders charged that its real purpose was to harass blacks.

In , their belief gained credibility when members of this squad took an innocent black man into custody and encouraged him to confess to a burglary by putting a rope around his neck, tossing it over a tree and pulling him onto his tiptoes. The squad was disbanded, but race relations didn't improve significantly. She left school in the 10th grade to have a child; by , when Michael was born, she says she was so exhausted that she had to spend a year in the hospital.

She'd always worked - ''I had a sorry husband,'' she says - and when her marriage ended soon after Michael's birth, she moved her brood into a Mobile housing project and began to raise them alone. On Sunday, she would take her family to church in the morning and remain there all day.

As Mrs. Donald recounted her story on a sweltering summer afternoon, one grandchild rested on her couch. Another came in from the dusty yard to ask for a cold drink. Donald told him.

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Michael never looked to his mother to provide for him, Mrs. Donald said. From early childhood, ''If he came home and I was lying down, he'd know something was wrong, and he'd do little things to help - that's the kind of boy he was.

Smoking, she said, was his only vice. Can't I have a cigarette? Considering the kind of boy he was, Mrs. Donald knew that Michael had done nothing to provoke his murder; from the beginning, she suspected that the Klan was involved. So did Winston J. Orr, the veteran Mobile policeman who was, from to , Chief of Police.

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But Orr was working against a number of factors that made a thorough investigation unlikely. In the early 's, Mobile had one of the highest per capita murder rates in America - and no homicide squad. To make matters worse, Orr's detectives ignored the fact that on the night of the murder, Klansmen had burned a cross on the Mobile County Courthouse lawn. Instead, they speculated that Michael Donald might have been having an affair with a white co-worker at The Mobile Press Register, where he'd had a part-time job.